Overrepresentation manifests into the ways in which Black people are represented and the spaces in which they are represented. For example, The Opportunity Agenda conducted studies that demonstrate that Black males are often overrepresented with depictions of violence, poverty, and crime in the media.
Similarly, junk and fast food companies cement the systematic issue of food apartheid because they overtly target Black hosueholds and oversaturate their advertising with Black and Hispanic people. Compared to their white counterparts, Black youth were twice as likely to view junk food ads on television in Youth are very susceptible to advertising and mass media, therefore, when junk food advertising targets Black youth, they are more likely to consume junk food and develop poor eating habits in the future.
Ann-Derrick Gaillot, a writer for The Outline, raises the possibility that they prefer Sprite because the company invests money into appealing to African-Americans , which illuminates how junk food companies subtly normalize their products with Black culture.
It is evident that junk and fast food companies manifest poor health among Black people because nearly half Moreover, healthy food companies indirectly sustain food apartheid because they lack a diverse target market, and Black people and families are not represented in their advertisements.
Fast food restaurants populate in Black neighborhoods far more than healthy food stores and restaurants. Ashante M. As these companies practice anti-Blackness in their marketing, they manifest food apartheid. The cycle is clear: fast and junk food companies excessively target Black households, and create a normalized culture for Black people to eat unhealthy food, which leads to an overbearing amount of these establishments in low-income neighborhoods, ultimately instilling poor eating habits into low-income, Black households.
So, what are the solutions to dissolve the relationship between food apartheid and food marketing? First, diversity is essential for food marketing; food companies should aim to balance who they target, who they represent, and how they represent people in their advertisements.
Second, cities should encourage and provide access for healthy eating in predominantly Black, low-income neighborhoods. Thus, cities should intervene in low-income neighborhoods to alleviate the structurally racist issue of food apartheid. Allowing EBT cards as a form of payment enables access to healthy, nutritious foods for low-income and impoverished families. Ultimately, combating food marketing and structural issues like access will help dismantle food apartheid in low-income and predominantly Black neighborhoods.
Aiken, Kristen. Byrne, Christine. Cruz, Lenika. Gaillot, Ann-Derrick. Holleran, Max. Lawson, Kimberly. Nittle, Nadra. It replaced the soda fountains and greasy spoon neighborhood restaurants of the previous era with streamlined burger assembly lines answering to corporate shareholders. They used federal money to expand franchises from the white suburbs into low-income black neighborhoods, providing an easily-copied business model and a tested product.
There were just minority franchises in the United States in By , there were 2, This growth owed not a little to loans from the SBA. For the government, this group was important because of their community standing, which could purportedly help to keep order.
For fast food companies, the new black bourgeoisie would serve as their community liaisons, often doing business in places where white owners were distrusted. The federal loan programs never met their original goal of granting 40 percent of Small Business Administration loans to African Americans. The number never reached more than 23 percent. Yet, this did not stop the gleeful marketing of the program as a means to connect black entrepreneurs with funding.
The government saw the franchise system as a form of tutelage in proper capitalist citizenship and did not bother to hide their paternalistic goals. Some participants agreed with them. He was grateful for the apprenticeship the scheme gave him. But as Jou makes clear, many black franchise owners did not need this kind of guidance. The grantees of federal loan programs, Jou shows, were often disappointed by their trajectories after accepting the loans. In this sense, the operators served as a sort of managerial class amongst the marginalized: resenting the white corporate profits from their labor and also seeking to differentiate themselves from poorer residents of color.
However, one can infer that as middle class blacks took advantage of waning residential segregation to move to suburbs, more privileged entrepreneurs operating businesses in the inner city felt a gap between themselves and their patrons. As inner-city poverty became more concentrated, the gap between black business people and their working class customers grew severely. The chain was barely clinging to its middle class image.
Jou shows us that as the general public has learned more about eating healthy, fast food has been demonized along with those who eat it. Too often, burgers and fries are not understood as the sustenance of last resort but as a pleasure of the irresponsible and gluttonous.
The Reagan Era antipathy for the poor and shrinking of the social safety net is expressed in elite condescension towards those who eat at fast food restaurants. Fast food is viewed as a matter of taste rather than resources even, sometimes, by public health advocates. Supersizing Urban America makes clear that addiction to fast food is not a moral lapse or a brain chemical but the effect of poverty. Many cities have been more intent on cracking down on the ingredients in Happy Meals rather than raising the hourly wages of those who make them.
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